In the field of music, psychologists are typically interested in such topics as: the experience of music from infancy to adulthood, emotional responses to music, the acquisition and development of musical skills, the process of creation, musical imagination and memory, the experience of musical listening, the role of music in human health and well-being, social or collective musical activities, the formation of musical taste, musical aptitudes and talent, and cross-cultural musical experiences.
Any body of knowledge will contain a mixture of truths as well as some misconceptions, possible myths, and outright falsehoods. In studying any area of human knowledge it is important to understand the origins of existing knowledge and to develop critical skills that will allow you to interpret and evaluate the quality of some knowledge claim. Where does our knowledge come from? How reliable or trustworthy is our current knowledge? How can we improve the quality and extent of our knowledge of some phenomenon?
In general, philosophers distinguish two approaches to the acquisition of knowledge: induction and deduction. Inductive knowledge is knowledge based on observation. For example, we know that birds are able to fly because we observe them in flight. Deductive knowledge, by contrast, arises from logical analysis starting with a set of pre-existing principles. For example, an aeronautical physicist might be able to deduce that a bird is capable of flight on the basis of an analysis of the bird's mechanical structure.
Inductive knowledge is often simpler to obtain than deductive knowledge. However, both inductive and deductive approaches are important methods for acquiring knowledge. Whereas it is easier to see a bird in flight than to analyze its capacity for flight, a deductive approach might be the only way to tell whether a dead or fossilized animal was able to fly.
Logic and mathematics are examples of disciplines where new knowledge is generated predominantly via deductive methods. In these fields, propositions (statements) can be derived from an initial set of axioms (definitions). The logician or mathematician is able to prove that a statement is true by formally deriving the statement from the pre-defined axioms. If the axioms are true, then properly derived propositions must also be true.
The physical and social sciences, by contrast, are examples of disciplines that rely most heavily on inductive (observation-based) approaches to knowledge. Although some deductive work is done in the field of psychology, most research is observation-based or inductive.
Generally speaking, two different approaches to psychological observation can be distinguished: introspection and extrospection. Introspection is the process of mental self-observation or self-examination. Extrospection is the process of observing the behavior of others. Both introspection and extrospection can provide information about the world, however both approaches have shortcomings, and it is important to understand their limitations.
There are three principal problems with introspection:"... for when attending most keenly to the operations of our own minds, we are yet totally strangers to any such process; and have a sentiment, without knowing its cause."There are many psychological phenomena that occur without our conscious awareness or access. We might feel suddenly sad or anxious without the slightest insight into how this feeling has arisen.
As we have seen, extrospection relies on observable behaviors. There are three general classes of observable behaviors: (1) gross, (2) metabolic, and (3) verbal. Gross behavior is any movement or change of body posture. Examples of gross behaviors associated with music would include playing an instrument, going to a concert, toe-tapping, shifting body posture, and notating music. Metabolic behaviors include internal physiological changes, such as changes of heart-rate, depth and rate of breathing, electroencephalographic changes (i.e. "brain waves"), changes of hormone levels, and so forth. In addition, metabolic behaviors can be deemed to include so-called "topical" changes -- that is, changes to the surface of the skin. Examples of topical metabolic behaviors include perspiring, blushing, goose flesh, and weeping. Verbal behaviors include spoken or written utterances arising in connection with musical experiences. Verbal behaviors may be informal "gasps" or exclamations, formal written analyses, or oral reports of what a person has experienced.
In summary, extrospective knowledge arises from observing the gross, metabolic, and verbal behaviors of other people.
Inductive knowledge arises from observation -- either self-observations (introspection) or observations of others (extrospection). In daily life, most observations we make are casual or incidental. We notice a child rocking back-and-forth in response to a given rhythm. Or we feel shivers running up and down our spine when listening to a particular musical passage. These informal observations might spur our thinking. We might form a hypothesis or belief regarding why such behaviors would arise.
In addition to informal observation, we may pursue more formal approaches to observation -- such as in an experiment. Formal observations are characterized by the imposition of some discipline or method. The purpose of disciplined observation is to try to reduce or avoid certain types of errors -- such as self-deception. Errors may arise from a variety of sources, such as the failure to recognize the occurrence of a certain behavior, or inappropriate interpretation of the observation. No method can eliminate entirely such errors or deceptions, but it is often possible to reduce them.
Formal observation techniques can be applied to both introspection and extrospection. When inductive knowledge is gained through formal introspection, the knowledge is said to be phenomenological. When inductive knowledge is gained through formal extrospection, the knowledge is said to be empirical.
Empirical research is the most common research approach in the field of psychology. Two methods form the cornerstones for empiricism: the correlational method and the experimental method. These two methods will be discussed in greater detail later. However, by way of summary, we can note that empirical research is a formal type of extrospective induction, based on either the correlational or experimental methods.
When we propose an explanation for some phenomenon we are normally interested in identifying its cause or causes. This can be difficult, not just because causation is hard to establish, but also because there may be different descriptive levels of causation.
Suppose, for example, that you are feeling sad. On one level, we might say you feel sad because you have reduced serotonin levels in your brain. On another level, we might say that you feel sad because you have just said goodbye to a close friend who is moving to another country. On yet another level, we might explain your sadness by appealing to an evolutionary argument: the loss of your friend means a reduction in the effectiveness of your social alliances, and hence an increased risk of being socially exploited or dominated; sadness conserves energy and other resources, and promotes "ruminating" that is likely to lead to developing a replacement friendship.
All three of these accounts of sadness may have merit. We know that sadness is associated with metabolic changes and that metabolic changes alone may be sufficient to cause sadness (as in the case of clinical depression). We might call the metabolic changes the proximate (or near) cause of your sadness. Presumably, the metabolic changes themselves arose from the cognitive apprehension and experience of your friend's departure. We can call this the medial (or middle) cause of your sadness. Finally, we can regard the evolutionary account as a distal (far) cause of your sadness. There are good theories as to how sadness is a behavioral adaptation that enhances survival, and the sadness induced by your friend's departure fits well with these theories.
In our daily lives, we rely almost exclusively on medial causes to explain events, thoughts, and feelings. In ordinary thought it is comparatively rare that we will appeal to proximate causes (such as metabolism) or distal causes (such as national economic policy) to explain specific events. There are good reasons why our thoughts are dominated by medial causation. Human cognitive capacities have evolved to attend to medial causation. We do not live long enough to see the broad brush-strokes of evolutionary or historical causes, and we do not have the microscopic senses necessary to witness metabolic causes. Our mental and phenomenal lives are lived predominantly in the world of medial causes.
A full understanding of a phenomenon cannot be found in medial explanations alone. Proximate and distal causes can provide striking new insights into human behaviors -- and this is also true of musical behaviors. In this book we will attempt to explain various aspects of music by appealing to the complete range of proximate, medial and distal causes. On the one hand, we will find that "low level" phenomena (such as metabolism) have concrete repercussions for musical experience. On the other hand, we will see that "high level" phenomena (such as evolutionary psychology) inform us about particular aspects of musicality and musical experience.
Historically, the field of psychology has been pulled between two opposing philosophical views concerning the nature and origin of human behavior -- the humanistic and mechanistic views. We might define these views as follows:
Often these two views are linked to another philosophical distinction between reductionistic and holistic explanations.
Both the reductionistic and holistic approaches have been influential in the history of psychology. However, in recent decades the reductionistic approach has received much favor since it has managed to provide detailed and compelling explanations for many psychological behaviors. Reductionism has been especially successful in providing biological accounts for various psychological disorders.
Music has traditionally favored humanistic and holistic views of its activities. Musicians and music scholars have often advanced accounts of musical phenomena according to humanistic/holistic premises and language. Since musicians and psychologists often approach the study of music from different philosophical positions, the field of music psychology can provoke considerable philosophical debate and conflict.
It is important to recognize that there is no necessary link between humanism and holism, nor between mechanism and reductionism. For example, one can cogently hold a humanistic view of the origins of human behavior, yet rely on reductionism as a useful method for investigation. That is, one need not believe that human behavior is mechanistic in order to use reductionism as a way of probing the complexities of human psychology.
Researchers are free to choose or develop their own methodology -- whether deductive, empirical, or phenomenological. However, since there are many potential pitfalls in carrying out research, it is advisable to begin with an existing research method. Typically, research methods themselves improve over time as communities of researchers discover further possible sources of error, and develop procedures to minimize them.
In general, the most reliable knowledge arises when several independent research methods point to the same result. We can be most confident of our knowledge when, no matter how we look at a phenomenon, the same answer is supported. Researchers refer to this as converging evidence.
In music research, converging evidence can come from a number of different sources. In laboratory environments, listening experiments may be done using highly controlled stimuli. Alternatively, experiments may be carried out in more natural settings using authentic musical materials. In other cases, physiological evidence (such as cardiograms or electroencephalograms) may be consistent with a particular hypothesis or interpretation. Evidence may also be sought in samples of musical notations or in measurements of performance nuances or sound recordings.
Introspective phenomenological accounts might also tend to support one hypothesis over another. Similarly, studies of groups of people in certain social situations may be informative. Historical treatises and other theoretical writings might provide evidence in support of a given account. Finally, cross-cultural evidence may be examined -- through experiments, studies of musical materials, performances, improvisations, or indigenous accounts that are either similar or contrasting from culture to culture.
Unfortunately, relatively few musical phenomena have been investigated from so many points of view. For most phenomena, we must remain skeptical of the preliminary results until further corroborating studies are carried out. Nevertheless, there are a number of musical phenomena for which the converging evidence is excellent, and so we can be more confident that our explanations hold some merit.
Much of the friction in the field of psychomusicology arises from debates concerning the degree of human adaptability. To what degree are musical behaviors dictated by universal constraints of human perception and cognition? To what degree are musical behaviors dictated by one's cultural milieu? Does music come out of some innate pre-existing dispositions, or is music an exclusively learned phenomenon?
The question of human adaptability is important in music since it has implications for how we view music and what we can expect of music's creative future. If psychological phenomena are primarily learned, then it suggests that human capacities are highly fluid and adaptable. Musicians might take heart in such knowledge, since it implies that there is great potential for new creative directions in musical culture. Anything may be possible. On the other hand, if psychological phenomena are physiologically determined or innate, then it suggests that human capacities are constrained by fixed biological limits. Musicians might be disheartened by such knowledge, since it implies that musical cultures are destined to develop within a finite region of musical possibilities.
There are several points to keep in mind regarding the question of human adaptability. First, beliefs concerning this question are always likely to be more strongly held than is warranted by the existing research. Second, both extremes of belief have possible negative repercussions. Those who believe that behavioral mechanisms are largely fixed and immutable are in danger of underestimating human capabilities -- and therefore of impeding the development of musical culture. Conversely, those who believe that behavioral mechanisms are highly adaptable are in danger of overestimating human adaptability -- and therefore of encouraging activities that are irrelevant to human needs.
Although questions concerning the adaptability of human behavior may invite opinions, these questions more properly invite further scholarly investigation. Since there are many ways by which we may be wrong, it is prudent to avoiding forming opinions on these matters too quickly.
As we will see, there is strong evidence that certain aspects of musical experience are predominantly or exclusively learned. In other cases, the evidence strongly suggests that certain aspects of musical experience arise from innate or biological sources. Our task as researchers is not to prove that music is predominantly learned or that music is predominantly a manifestation of innate dispositions. On the contrary, our task is to identify what specific aspects of musical experience can be traced to what source. By the end of this course you should be able to point to a dozen examples of biologically-mediated musical phenomena. Similarly you should be able to point to a dozen examples of learned musical phenomena.
Modern phenomenological approaches to knowledge can be traced to the writings of Martin Heidegger and Edmund Husserl. An accessible introduction to the application of phenomenology in music is:
Ferrara, Lawrence. Phenomenology as a tool for musical analysis. Musical Quarterly, Vol. 70, No. 3 (1984) pp. 355-373.
A good modern treatment of introspection can be found in:
Smythies, R. The Walls of Plato's Cave: The Science and Philosophy of Brain, Consciousness and Perception. Aldeshot, UK: Avebury Publishers, 1994.
A good general introduction to contemporary empiricism is:
Cozby, Paul. Methods in Behavioral Research. Mountain View, California: Mayfield Publishing Co., 1993; fifth edition.
Some of the more important philosophical works on the foundations of science include the following:
Ayer, Alfred. Language, Truth and Logic. 1946; reprinted New York: Dover, 1952.
Duhem, Pierre. La Théorie Physique: Son Objet, Sa Structure. Paris: Marcel Rivière & Cie, 1914. Translated by Philip Wiener as, The Aim and Structure of Physical Theory. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954.
Popper, Karl. Logik der Forschung. Vienna, 1935. Translated as The Logic of Scientific Discovery. New York: Basic Books, 1959.
Quine, Willard. From a Logical Point of View. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1953.
Major critiques of traditional empiricism include:
Feyerabend, Paul. Against Method. London: Verso Edition, 1975, 1978.
Gellner, Ernest. Legitimation of Belief. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974.
Kuhn, Thomas. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962; second edition, 1970.
Polanyi, Michael. Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post Critical Philosophy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962.
Review the following concepts:
Induction:
Deduction:
Introspection:
Extrospection:
Gross behaviors:
Metabolic behaviors:
Topical behaviors:
Verbal behaviors:
Formal and Informal Deduction:
Phenomenology:
Empiricism:
Proximate cause:
Medial cause:
Distal cause:
Humanism:
Mechanism:
Reductionism:
Holism:
Converging Evidence: